A Real Threat Of Death

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Alcohol poisoning can happen to anyone, and when it does the results can sometimes be disastrous and even fatal. There exists a general misconception that alcohol poisoning is a condition reserved for drunken fraternity brothers and irresponsible college students, but the fact is that it can and does happen all the time to a wide variety of people.tripadvisor.com This includes "weekend warriors," people who are on vacation, families and friends celebrating the holidays, and virtually anyone who drinks. Because alcohol impairs judgment, it can be difficult for a person to know when to stop, and if they drink too much too fast the consequences could be deadly. Alcohol poisoning is caused when a person consumes more alcohol than their liver and kidneys can process.

Alcohol is a nervous systems depressant which means that it begins to shut down the brain and spine. This is why so many people have difficulty walking and carrying on normal tasks while drinking. However, alcohol is also a stomach irritant and a respiratory depressant - two potentially lethal effects. For instance, if a person drinks too much and loses consciousness, they could vomit and then aspirate the vomit into their lungs and die from asphyxiation. This is actually a fairly common occurrence and is one of the biggest risks with alcohol poisoning. Unfortunately, education about alcohol poisoning isn't very widespread or effective. Additionally, most people who drink to excess do so in the presence of other people who are drinking to excess. This means that there is no system in place to monitor people who may be in danger of alcohol poisoning.

And while many have suggested the incorporation of alcohol poisoning education into designated driver programs this has rarely been implemented. The symptoms of alcohol poisoning can be difficult to notice if the victim has passed out. In such a case it is imperative to turn the person on their back so that if they do vomit they will not breathe it in. Finally, repeated cases of alcohol poisoning or black-outs could be a sign of alcoholism. If you or someone you care about drinks to excess, passes out, has been to the hospital for alcohol poisoning or has changed their behaviors and personality in order to continue drinking, you need to get help immediately. Click on one of the links below to get assistance right now. Click here to speak to someone at one of the country's most successful inpatient drug treatment centers. Author's Bio: Ms. Javis is a former attorney and cirotta judge in the western Sahara. She is a prolific writer and editor and spends her free time writing from her mountain home in the Congo. Please Register or Login to post new comment. What is academic writing? Social Media: Are Some Of The Female Models On Social Media Deeply Insecure? Do you need help with university assignment? Poor services can cost you a lot!

Even with the large number of Moroccan settlers that have moved there in the past three decades, it is still one of the least densely populated countries. The native Sahrawi population is estimated to be less than half a million strong. Unlike other African countries along the great desert, Western Sahara has neither a mild Mediterranean coast nor a tropical south to augment the endless desert that defines its landscapes. What Western Sahara does have are some of the world’s richest fishing grounds off its long Atlantic coastline and some significant phosphate deposits. But when the great powers of the Security Council look at Western Sahara, they do not simply see fish, phosphates, a protracted humanitarian crisis or Africa’s last colony.

Paris and Washington, most of all, see one of their strongest allies, Morocco, and one of the world’s most important energy producers, Algeria.saharaservices.info Both of these states are not only pivotal to stability in the Maghreb, they are increasingly viewed as important players on the African and Middle Eastern stages as well. Yet the Western Sahara conflict is not simply a Moroccan-Algerian affair. Central to the dispute are fundamental norms of decolonization and the prohibition of territorial expansion by force, issues that are central to the post-World War II order enshrined in the United Nations. After four decades of fighting for independence, it is also abundantly clear that Western Saharan nationalism will not accept a Moroccan fait accompli.

There was much hope that the Arab Spring might bring some positive change to Western Sahara. Whether through reforms in Morocco or in Polisario’s exiled leadership, or through mass demonstrations in the territory, the possibilities for change seemed endless in early 2011. Such hopes proved to be misguided. In several ways, the Arab Spring has made the Western Sahara peace process worse. Reforms instituted by the Moroccan regime only enhanced its domestic and international credibility, thus resulting in a bold and uncompromising posture in recent negotiations. Internationally, the monarchy’s top-down reforms also touched on the question of the "Saharan Provinces," as Western Sahara is called in Morocco.

These steps included recognizing the Sahrawi identity and loosening restrictions on travel between the occupied territory and the refugee camps.thenewhumanitarian.org For Moroccan journalist Samia Errazzouki, a co-editor at the Jadaliyya website, the Moroccan regime deftly used the Arab Spring to improve its image vis-a-vis Western Sahara. "For many abroad," she claims, "it appeared as if Morocco was making concessions and ceding to the demands of the people. Western Saharan nationalists are bitter not only because the Arab Spring has been a boon for Morocco, but because their protests have been largely ignored internationally. Indeed, weeks before protests erupted in Tunisia and Egypt, Western Sahara witnessed the largest pro-independence demonstrations ever organized in the Moroccan-occupied territory.

In a massive showing of solidarity with the Western Saharan refugees in Algeria, Sahrawi activists established a protest camp on the outskirts of the territory’s main city, Al-Ayun, in a place called Gdaym Izik. At the United Nations, these protests raised concerns about the fact that the U.N. Western Sahara has no mandate to monitor human rights. Though all other missions now have such provisions, France, Morocco’s main ally, has steadfastly blocked all efforts to amend the U.N. With the Gdaym Izik protests in 2010, things appeared to be coming to a head. Then the revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt, as well as the civil wars in Libya and Syria, changed everything. One effect of the Arab Spring has undoubtedly had a negative impact on the Western Sahara conflict: the short-lived secessionist Tuareg republic in northern Mali that was hijacked by al-Qaida-linked groups.

Key members of the Security Council, particularly the United States, are now more reluctant than ever to take risks to resolve the Western Sahara conflict, particularly if a solution leads to a weak and unstable new state. For many, these developments in the Sahara were the outcome of a long-neglected front in the global war on terrorism. Concerns over the Sahara-Sahel region’s security grew as remnants of Algeria’s Islamist insurgency of the 1990s began to seek shelter and sustenance in the Sahara by linking up with smuggling networks and taking Europeans as hostages. The latter activity allowed AQIM to amass a small fortune from ransom payments to spend on arms and recruits.

Though traditionally a region dominated by French influence, the United States launched a special, albeit modest, counterterrorism initiative there in 2003 to improve border security and address some of the root issues driving radicalization. It was not long before concerns about trans-Saharan terrorism began to affect the Western Sahara conflict. A coordinated suicide attack in Casablanca in 2003 did much to convince the George W. Bush administration that a solution to the Western Sahara conflict should not be imposed on Morocco. Indeed, Morocco began insinuating that there were connections between al-Qaida activists in the Sahara and the refugee camps run by the Polisario in southwestern Algeria.

Recent reports in The Daily Beast, Time Magazine and Vice have offered contradictory and incomplete accounts of the supposed terrorist threat posed by the Western Saharan refugees and Polisario. On the face of it, these concerns seem ill-founded. Polisario is a secular Arab nationalist umbrella organization not unlike the Palestine Liberation Organization, and Algeria, which has been at war with jihadists since the early 1990s, is Polisario’s main diplomatic and financial backer. That said, aid workers in the camps were kidnapped in 2011 and delivered to one of the region’s armed Islamist organizations. So is it possible, as recent reports often insinuate, that clandestine militant Islamist groups are recruiting or even operating within the Western Saharan refugee camps? Could we see Polisario’s revolution hijacked by Islamic fundamentalists in the same way the recent Tuareg rebellion in Mali or the rebellion in Syria have been hijacked by radical groups?

Anthropologists and aid workers with extensive experience in the camps remain skeptical about such claims. Dr. Konstantina Isidoros has been visiting the camps regularly over the past six years, including two years of sustained ethnographic research. Nadia Zoubir, a political affairs consultant who recently visited the camps for the African Union, noticed significant improvements in local security measures following the 2011 kidnapping. She likewise doubted the presence of any militant organizations in the camps besides Polisario given the nature of the society. "Polisario works hand in hand with the Algerian government in supporting anti-terrorist activities," she noted. Alice Wilson, who holds a doctorate in social anthropology, likewise finds recent media reports about terrorism in the camps incongruous with her years of experience there.

The major political debate in the camps, she observed, was between those who favored the diplomatic approach to national liberation and those who favored a return to the military approach. The conditions under which Polisario might return to armed struggle are currently unclear. The liberation front almost went to war with Morocco in 2001. That year, Moroccan forces fired warning shots as they crossed the armistice line to clear mines for the Paris-Dakar Rally. While Algeria pulled Polisario back from the brink, these events demonstrated a widespread Sahrawi willingness and capacity to field a significant fighting force. Although Polisario’s forces are incapable of driving Morocco from Western Sahara, they could once again make Rabat’s occupation very expensive and send a strong signal to the U.N. The year 2001 also saw the entrance of a new factor into the Western Sahara conflict: the oil question.

Moroccan efforts to attract French and U.S. Western Sahara also succeeded in attracting U.N. In an important 2002 opinion, Hans Corel, then the United Nations’ top international law expert, described Moroccan efforts to exploit Western Saharan natural resources as illegal. Given the extraordinarily strange international legal status of Western Sahara, foreign energy companies soon walked away from the territory, citing underwhelming prospects. Just over a decade later, the oil companies are back with a vengeance, though Morocco has worked hard to keep things quiet this time. "Clearly drilling in Moroccan-licensed acreage off the Western Sahara fits into the Moroccan political agenda," explains John Marks, chairman of Cross-border Information, a consultancy that specializes in the region’s energy issues. As for the companies’ motives in coming back to Western Sahara, Marks see a much more simple explanation.

"For the companies, it's all about making a big offshore find in some attractive acreage with good terms on offer," he adds. So could oil become the disruption to break the Western Sahara impasse? Morocco, for certain, will only become more intransigent. Oil’s effect will largely depend on how Sahrawi nationalists and, in turn, the U.N. Security Council respond. Polisario has said very little about the oil issue though it has recently become more aggressive in the international legal arena. In the East Timor conflict, a dispute between Indonesia and Australia over oil rights is often cited as an important step in that territory’s road to independence.

Right now, oil is the factor to watch when it comes to the Western Sahara dispute. The political and military stalemate that has been in effect since the late 1980s is otherwise unlikely to be disturbed. With much more serious crises unfolding in Southwest Asia and Eastern Europe, Western Sahara will continue to remain at the bottom of the international agenda. The impasse has not only shown an extraordinary ability to sap all diplomatic initiatives, it has survived profound geopolitical shocks, from the Cold War’s end to the Arab Spring. But what impact would a significant oil find have on the impasse? It would certainly galvanize the Moroccan position. The question is how Polisario would respond. Mass protest by the Sahrawis is impossible given the Moroccan security presence in the territory. International legal initiatives are the nationalist movement’s strongest suit, and perhaps the only card left in their hand. No one doubts that international law is on Western Sahara’s side. But this has been the case since the start of the conflict in 1975. Unless the U.N.

Last Friday Mikael Simble (of the Norwegian Support Committee for the Western Sahara) and I protested the occupation of the Western Sahara at Morocco's embassy in Washington. The protest went well, and I think we educated the embassy's neighbors about Moroccan policy towards its southern neighbor. Mikael brought a bunch of leaflets about the Western Sahara that we put in the windshields of cars parked around the embassy. They had a map of the Maghreb showing where Western Sahara is, as well as a short history of the Polisario struggle. We even got a few on cars with diplomat license plates.

After that, we set up across from the embassy with the SADR flag and a sign Mikael brought that said Free Western Sahara. Apparently, there's a torrid affair behind how that sign was made, but whatever it is, the young lady involved was an excellent sign maker. We got the attention of several passerby who asked what we were protesting. At one point, two girls whose car was stuck in the snow asked for our help. I think we impressed on them that Western Sahara fans are not only socially-conscious but surprisingly muscled. We also had an improvised chant for people going into the embassy (1, 2, 3, 4, Viva Polisario!). The 5,6,7,8 part hasn't been decided yet, but suggestions are welcome. All in all, it was a successful day, and a satisfying celebration of Western Saharan independence day.

RABAT — Human rights observers visiting Moroccan-held Western Sahara witnessed a woman protester being beaten by police and hospitalised, a member of the group said on Wednesday. Santiago Canton, director of the Robert F. Kennedy Partners for Human Rights, told AFP by phone from a Sahrawi refugee camp in western Algeria. In a statement published by the Washington-based group on Tuesday, the day the delegation left for Algeria, Kennedy described how a policeman lunged at her 17-year-old daughter's camera as she took photos of the incident. Canton emphasised that the purpose of the trip was to assess the human rights situation on the ground.

The visit comes amid a row between the United Nations and Rabat, which has demanded the replacement of new UN peace envoy Christopher Ross, whom it accuses of "bias" in efforts to resolve the status of the territory. Morocco annexed the Western Sahara in 1975 in a move never recognised by the international community. The rebel Polisario Front, which has been campaigning for the territory's independence since before its annexation, controls a small part the desert interior and has bases in Tindouf, across the Algerian border, where some 40,000 refugees live in extreme conditions. The rights observers travelled to Tindouf on Wednesday, where they met rights activists and families of the victims of Africa's longest-running conflict. They were due to meet representatives of UN agencies and NGOs working there before holding talks with Polisario leaders. Kennedy was quoted as saying by the official Algerian news agency APS. Some Moroccan MPs have strongly criticised the group's visit.

Morocco’s relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran were strained ever since Morocco hosted the ousted Shah of Iran and supported Iraq in its war against Iran. Diplomatic relations were severed due to long-time mistrust and hostility. Another dispute between the two countries surfaced in 2009 following the involvement of the Iranian embassy in a secret plan to spread the Shiite doctrine in Morocco. However, the conflict between Morocco and Iran-backed militia in Lebanon, Hezbollah, has not emerged today. Its background is rooted in religious beliefs and economic and political conflicts of interest. The current crisis between Morocco and Hezbollah militia began when Morocco handed over a Lebanese-Sierra Leonean businessman, Qassim Tajuddin, to the United States, who has ties to Hezbollah leadership.

He was arrested at Casablanca airport last March on his way to Beirut from Guinea Conakry on the basis of an international arrest warrant issued by INTERPOL. Tajuddin faced a long and sever indictment when he was interrogated by the US judiciary and has been on the blacklist of the US Treasury Department since May 2009 on charges of funding Hezbollah, a terrorist group. For the second time in less than 10 years, Morocco has taken a "sovereign decision" to sever diplomatic ties with Iran. In an interview with Al Arabiya after the official announcement of the decision, on Tuesday, Nasser Bourita, Moroccan foreign minister, was linked to the decision regarding the "diplomatic presence of the separatist Polisario Front" through the Lebanese Hezbollah Party. Hezbollah fighters parade during a ceremony. Moroccan Foreign Minister confirmed that "Rabat has conclusive evidence" revealing that "Iran supports the separatist Polisario Front." Moroccan diplomatic authorities asked the ambassador of Tehran in Rabat to leave Morocco immediately. Later in February 2014, Iran asked Morocco for a diplomatic "resumption of bilateral relations". Iran on Wednesday denied accusations by Morocco that it had facilitated arms shipments to the separatist Polisario Front after diplomatic ties with Tehran were severed.

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Nouzha Skalli, Morocco's minister of social development, family, and solidarity, was in Washington last week meeting with Morocco-philes and members of the U.S. She also met with two Deputy Assistant Secretaries of State to complain about Tindouf. The Polisario separatist movement which has, since 1976, lured thousands of Sahrawis into joining it in the Tindouf camps where it continues to hold them against their will, lays claims over Morocco's Southern Provinces -the Sahara. I bring up this pretty typical performance because this woman was supposed to speak at Georgetown but her event was inexplicably canceled the day of. I wasn't even going to go in Western Sahara mode, figuring she just talking about Moroccan women's rights and that sort of thing. Now it looks like I should have.